Kirby's blog and sundry essays about early Christianity.
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In a history class on the Roman empire, a 20-page paper is due at the end of the semester. I have finished writing a possible abstract and a bibliography. I would like to hear about (a) what you would like to know about the topics discussed and (b) any comments you have on how I should go about writing my paper. Or (c) whatever.
thanks, Peter Kirby
Imperial Correspondence Who Wrote It, and How Did It Work?
The purpose of this paper is to provide a description of communication between the Roman emperor and the provinces. First, the reasons for writing and the nature of the contents of correspondence with the emperor are explored. Second, the nature of the cursus publicum is considered. This includes an evaluation of whether and where the government had way stations, like the Pony Express, and the important question of how long a letter would take to go between Rome and the outskirts of the empire. Third, the different types of correspondence, the libelli and epistulae, are distinguished, along with the corresponding bureaucrats who aided the emperor in receiving them and acting upon them, in many cases by writing the responses, particularly with the genre of rescriptus. Finally, the paper concludes with a statement of the importance of this correspondence to the functioning of the empire, as well their legal ramifications across the centuries.
Primary Sources
Barrow, R. H. 1973. Prefect and Emperor, The Relationes of Symmachus. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Cormack, J.M.R. “A Letter of Hadrian in Beroea.” The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 30, Part 2, 148-152. Grenfell, Bernard P. and Arthur S. Hunt. 1898-present. The Oxyrhynchus papyri, edited with translations and notes. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Haines, C. R. 1950. Marcus Cornelius Fronto (Loeb Classical Library), 2 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Hunt, A.S. and C. C. Edgar. 1956. Select Papyri (Loeb Classical Library), vol. 2. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Gonzales, Julian and Michael H. Crawford. “The Lex Irnitana: A New Copy of the Flavian Municipal Law.” The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 76, 147-243. Marshall, A. J. 1968. “Pompey’s Organization of Bithynia-Pontus: Two Neglected Texts.” The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 58, Part 1, 103-109. Oliver, James H. 1954. “A Roman Interdict from Palestine.” Classical Philology, Vol. 49, No. 3, 180-182. Oliver, James H. 1958. “A New Letter of Antoninus Pius.” The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 79, No. 1, 52-60. Oliver, James H. 1971. “The Epistle of Claudius Which Mentions the Proconsul Junius Gallio.” Hesperia, Vol. 40, No. 20, 239-240. Oliver, James H. 1978. “On the Edict of Severus Alexander (P. Fayum 20).” The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 99, No. 4, 474-485. Oliver, James H. 1989. Greek constitutions of early Roman emperors from inscriptions and papyri. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. Radice, Betty. 1969. Pliny: Letters and Panegyricus (Loeb Classical Library), 2 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Watson, Alan. 1985. The Digest of Justinian, 4 vols. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Wright, Wilmer. 1923. Julian (Loeb Classical Library), vol. 3. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Secondary Sources
Abbott, F.F. 1900. “Roman Indifference to Provincial Affairs.” The Classical Review, Vol. 14, No. 7, 355-356. Bourne, Ella. 1918. “Augustus as a Letter-Writer.” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association, Vol. 49, 53-66. Cary, M. 1936. “Direction-Posts on Roman Roads?” The Classical Review, Vol. 50, No. 5, 166-167. Eliot, C.W.J. 1955. “New Evidence for the Speed of the Roman Imperial Post.” Phoenix, Vol. 9, No. 2, 76-80. Hooper, Finley and Matthew Schwartz, ed. 1991. Roman letters: history from a personal point of view. Detriot: Wayne State University Press. Honoré, Tony. 1981. Emperors and Lawyers. London: Duckworth. Jones, A.H.M. 1968. Studies in Roman Government and Law. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Lintott, Andrew. 1993. Imperium Romanum: Politics and Administration. New York; London: Routledge. McFayden, Donald. 1921. “The Princeps and the Senatorial Provinces.” Classical Philology, Vol. 16, No. 1, 34-50. Millar, Fergus. 1977. The Emperor in the Roman World (31 BC-AD 337). Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Millar, Fergus. 2004. Rome, the Greek World, and the East, vol. 2. Chapel Hill; London: University of North Carolina Press. Ramsay, A. M. 1920. “A Roman Postal Service under the Republic.” The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 10, 79-86. Ramsay, A. M. 1925. “The Speed of the Roman Imperial Post.” The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 15, 60-74. Sherwin-White, A.N. 1966. The Letters of Pliny: A Historical and Social Commentary. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
The TheoWiki website is coming along nicely. We have come up with a directory structure that seems robust enough to handle everything. We already have about one hundred articles on the website. Scholars and laymen alike are invited to contribute. Feel like you don't know enough? Not to worry, there is a lot of tasks that need to be done that don't require much knowledge of the subject. If you have questions or comments, post them here, post them there, or e-mail them to me. If nothing else, make good use of TheoWiki as a developing resource for religious studies (and link to it from your website perhaps?).
TheoWiki is a collaborative effort to provide information on religion, including information on the Bible. I would be very happy if the readers of this blog would become users and contributors to TheoWiki.
Please use the comment feature in this blog or the wiki's discussion page to talk about the new project and how it could go.
This is a summary of the fourth chapter of Greek for the Rest of Us by Bill Mounce, as part of the group study at Ebla.
Mounce begins by making the point that it is not a simple or clear-cut thing to communicate. Since we can misunderstand each other while speaking the same language and being in the same place and time, it is even more difficult to avoid misunderstanding about things said two thousand years ago by people speaking a different language in a different culture.
In this important chapter, Mounce discusses ten decisions that translators have to make, which form their "translation philosophy." Differences between translations can often be due to what the translator is trying to accomplish instead of a significant disagreement over what the original author intended to convey. Studying this chapter closely will repay anyone who uses a translation of the Bible.
The first thing that a translator asks is the question of who the audience is for the translation. Mounce starts with the example of "expiation" in the RSV of 1 John 2:2. The ESV has "propitiation." What is meant by either of these words, and what is the difference? Only an adult would understand them, but, even then, many would not look up the word to get the nuances. The NIV uses "atoning sacrifice" instead of the more technical terminology, while the NLT says just "sacrifice." Another example is how many sentences one should make out of one long sentence such as Ephesians 1:3-14. Another question is whether the audience is familiar with Christianity and whether the language has theological words that are readily understood. Or, with the familiar expression "swaddling cloths," one might substitute "strips of cloth" and say that "she wrapped him snugly" to convey that this refers to the blanket (or strips of blanket) wrapped around a newborn, but then some would feel that something is deficient in the translation for not using a well-known expression.
The second thing that a translator must ask is, "Am I going to translate words or meaning?" Mounce prefaces his discussion with a description of the "literal" translation desired by many: "If the Greek has eight words, then the English should have eight words. If the first word is a participle in Greek, then the first word should be a participle in English. If the Greek doesn't have a word, then we're not going to add one unless we absolutely have to and we will italicize it. ... The implication is that there's minimal interpretation in this type of translation process." And the conclusion is that a translation that doesn't have this kind of word-for-word correspondence is less "literal," and thus less reliable as a guide to the meaning of the text. But, Mounce says, the dictionary definition of "literal" is "what the author meant," and an English text produced by a word-for-word process isn't inherently more likely to convey that to someone who knows only English.
The two phrases used often here are "formal equivalence" and "dynamic equivalence." The NASB is an example of a translation that uses formal equivalence. The general approach is described in Mounce's quote above; the attempt is made to preserve the grammatical features and order of the Greek. Importantly, Mounce says, "There also is often the desire to use the same English word for the same Greek word, no matter where the Greek occurs." This tendency can be found, for example, in the Young's Literal Translation (YLT). Unless one realizes what the YLT is doing, one is quite susceptible to mistake "literal" for "representing the author's meaning" and, so, believe that the word substituted for a Greek word in a particular instance is most likely to be the best English equivalent of the Greek word in that context. Yet, since there is an effort to keep the translating word the same across all occurences of the Greek, the "literal" translation is actually much less likely to present the primary meaning of the Greek word as it is being used in any particular location. Mounce gives examples of some areas in which formal equivalence runs up against difficulties. Dynamic equivalence, instead, aims to translate phrase for phrase, or "idea for idea." But Mounce actually prefers formal equivalence for serious study, and one major reason is that "dynamic equivalence" translations don't preserve the important distinction between independent and dependent clauses (and this makes it harder to find the main idea of a sentence). Dynamic equivalence allows a greater freedom to attempt to make reading the English an experience like reading the Greek as a native speaker, but most translations don't live up to that potential and may abuse their poetic license. In either case, formal or dynamic, one must understand the limitations of the translation one is using and that every translation is interpretive.
The third question is that of ambiguity. Many times one finds that it is not clear whether the Greek intends a broad idea or, rather, a more specific connotation of the word. The question is whether the translator should attempt to reproduce the ambiguity or to attempt to find the correct connotation and express that with an English word with that meaning. This is a very common problem that one crosses while translating. Indeed, Mounce finds that, instead of true disagreement, the varied translations differ because one preserved the ambiguity and others chose a connotation of the Greek word. Further, Mounce says, the translations that chose a more specific connotation usually agreed with each other on what it is.
The fourth translating decision that a translator faces is whether to "move implicit to explicit." Mounce gives as an example the fact that Greek doesn't always require a direct object. So translators have to add the word "him" in 1 Peter 1:8, "Though you have not seen him, you love him."
As an extension to the previous practice, some translators will "fill out the story." For example, in Acts 28:11, the reference to "the Twin Brothers" is fleshed out with "Castor and Pollux" in the NIV.
The sixth issue is "possible misunderstanding." This is sort of the opposite of the third problem, "ambiguity," where some translators wanted to preserve the wide range of meaning of the original. Here, the concern is that the Greek is specific and clear, while the English translation may be open to different interpretations. Mounce quotes the RSV of Matthew 5:28, "But I say to you that every one who looks at a woman lustfully has already committed adultery with her in his heart." But the Greek is clear that the sin is when a man looks at a woman "for the purpose of lusting," not just when there is a temporary lustful thought. For this reason, the ESV, for example, reads "who looks at a woman with lustful intent." More English words are there to make the sentence as clear as the Greek is.
The seventh concern is "sensitivity and euphemisms." For example, instead of using a word for excrement in Philippians 3:8, some translations use "refuse," "rubbish," or "garbage."
The eighth item is "theological biases." For example, in Acts 3:48, the RSV reads, "And when the Gentiles heard this, they were glad and glorified the word of God; and as many as were ordained to eternal life believed." In the Living Bible, it says, "as many as wanted eternal life believed." But, as Mounce says, the word "wanted" did not come from the Greek; it came from the translator's theological belief.
Ninth, there is "Inclusive Language," whether and when to translate masculine Greek words for people to more general English words that include women as well as men. Tenth, there are practical concerns, such as how much time can be spent debating a translation and whether familiar verses can be altered.
One can find in many books and essays a statement like this:
It was once thought that the reference to the Hittites was a historical error. The Bible mentions the Hittite empire over fifty times in the Old Testament. Though they are treated as a powerful kingdom, secular history knew nothing of their existence. Hence the Bible was assumed to be in error when they were mentioned. In 1876 the Bible was vindicated. The English scholar A.H. Sayce discovered some writing that he related to the Hittites of the Old Testament. These people were called the Kheta by the Egyptians. In 1906 the ruins of the Hittite empire were discovered. The Hittites did exist as the Old Testament said - the critics were wrong in denying their existence.
Josh McDowell writes:
The Bible mentions the Hittites many times. But until recently scholars had found no other ancient writings which referred to them. Therefore the very existence of this civilization was often doubted. John Elder (Prophets, Idols, and Diggers) explains that "one of the striking confirmations of Bible history to come from the science of archeology is the 'recovery' of the Hittite peoples and their empires. Here is a people whose name appears again and again in the Old Testament, but who in secular history had been completely forgotton and whose very existence was considered to be extremely doubtful." (Evidence that Demands a Verdict, volume 2, p. 339)
These references all have something in common: they never indicate a single scholar who had said that the Hittites did not exist. Instead of any actual citation, there is only an anonymous, archetypal "liberal critic."
Trying to get to the bottom of this, I recently checked out one of the earliest books on the discoveries concerning the Hittites, a book titled The Empire of the Hittites by William Wright (1884). He writes:
It is desirable that this investigation should be undertaken, because the casual references to the Hittites in the Bible have been used by the enemies of Divine revelation to discredit the historical accuracy of the book, and some of the weak friends of the Bible have begun to propagate doubt where they cannot disprove. (p. 88)
Two people are quoted by Wright, the Rev. T. K. Cheyne (in an article in the Encyclopedia Britannica) and the polymath F. W. Newman (in his book History of the Hebrew Monarchy). This is what Wright says about Cheyne:
They appeared chiefly as a nation of warriors in constant conflict with the great monarchies on their borders, but in almost every detail they corresponded to the Hittites of the Bible. Instead of at once admitting that the Bible references to the Hittites might be true after all, writers in Germany and England declared the story of the peaceful transaction at Hebron inconsistent with the warlike character of the Hittites, and pronounced the story of the panic at Samaria as "not containing a single mark of acquaintance with the contemporaneous history." These views were eagerly clutched at, and have been reproduced in many forms. They may now be seen in survival, in an article by the Rev. T. K. Cheyne, in the current edition of the "Encyclopedia Britannica." (p. ix)
Wright again on Cheyne,
the Rev. T. K. Cheyne, Fellow of the same College, writing on the Hittites in the new edition of "Encyclopedia Britannica," treats the Bible statements regarding the Hittites as unhistorical and unworthy of credence. Referring to the mention of the Hittites in the Book of Genesis, he says: "The lists of these pre-Israelitish populations cannot be taken as strictly historical documents," "they cannot be taken as of equal authority with Egyptian and Assyrian inscriptions;" and, carrying out his comparison, he adds: "Not less unfavourable to the accuracy of the Old Testament references to the Hittites is the evidence deducible from proper names." (p. 89)
On the point of whether the Hittites of Genesis are the same as those who are mentioned in the inscriptions, historians have sided with the skeptical. Here is an excerpt from The Anchor Bible Dictionary:
In the biblical references to the Hittites two different groups may be discerned. One is a local people of Palestine, settled in the area around Hebron before Abraham’s arrival, the descendants of Canaan through the eponymous ancestor Heth. They lived in the heart of the land promised to the Israelites, so that God had to expressly command the Israelites to destroy them. That they were not eradicated but continued to inhabit southern Palestine, including the area around Jerusalem, may be seen in the references to Hittites in the Hebrew army, as forced labor conscripts, or as possible wives for the Hebrews, all the way through to the return from the Babylonian exile. Almost all of the references of Hittites in the OT fit into this picture of a local Canaanite people never quite eradicated in the Hebrew conquest of Canaan.
There are, however, five references to Hittites which do not fit with this picture (IDB 2: 613–14). The reference in Josh 1:4 to the area around the Euphrates as the Hittite country cannot be the Hittites of Hebron, but rather, depending on the dating of the Conquest, either the Hittite Empire’s territories in north Syria or the successor Neo-Hittite kingdoms in that region. See Boling, Wright JoshuaAB, 122–23 for a different view. The reference in Judg 1:26 to the man who after betraying Bethel goes to the “land of the Hittites” could refer to southern Palestine or to north Syria. In view of the use of the phrase ˒ereṣ haḥattı̂m,“land of the Hittites,” the only other occurrence of this phrase besides the Josh 1:4 passage, it is quite possible that the Neo-Hittite area is meant. Boling JudgesAB, 59, indirectly implies his understanding of his phrase as the area of the Anatolian-Syrian Hittites.
The references to the “kings of the Hittites” in 1 Kgs 10:29 and 2 Chr 1:17, where they are importing horses and chariots from Solomon, and 2 Kgs 7:6, in which their very name causes the Syrian army to flee, again imply a powerful and wealthy group of kings, not a local Canaanite people who had been reduced by the Conquest and enslaved by Solomon. Again the Neo-Hittite kingdoms fit perfectly; the chronology is right, they were in the same area as the Syrians and thus known to them, and the plural “kings” fits very well with the nature of these states, which were not unified into one polity, but consisted of a number of small kingdoms.
These five references to the Hittites which on the basis of context may be understood as the Hittites of north Syria, that is, the Neo-Hittites, are also the only five occurrences of the plural form ḥittı̂min the OT. This may mean nothing, but it could be some indication of a distinction made in the text between the Hittites of Palestine, descendants of Heth, and the Hittites of Anatolia and north Syria, the men of Ḫatti.
We must then distinguish between the “sons of Heth” of Palestine and the “men of Ḫatti” of Anatolia and northern Syria (see already IDB 2: 614; POTT, 213–14; Speiser GenesisAB, 169–70). The similarity of “Heth” and “Hatti” may have led to the use of ḥittı̂to refer to both (POTT, 214). This is not to say that these two groups called “Hittites” in the OT may not be related ancestrally from some period antedating our earliest records. Nor do we imply that there was never any confusion between the Canaanite Hittites and Hittites of the Anatolian or north Syrian kingdoms who may have migrated into Palestine and settled there. For the period covered by the OT, however, it is clear that the terms usually translated “Hittites” referred to two distinct groups of people.
Accordingly, Wright would be wrong to identify the peoples mentioned in the references in Genesis with the kingdom that produced the writings deciphered by men such as A. H. Sayce.
Here is what Wright quotes from Newman:
Professor W. F. [sic] Newman, in speaking of this narrative, says, "The unhistorical tone is too manifest to allow of our easy belief in it." He thinks "there was a real event at bottom," for Xenophon in his Anabasis speaks of dangeroujs night panics in the Greek and Persian hosts, and therefore the Syrian army may have fled in a sudden panic. "But," he adds of the Bible account, "the particular ground of alarm attributed to them does not exhibit the writer's acquaintance with the times in very favourable light." "No Hittite kings can have compared in power with the king of Judah, the real and near ally, who is not named at all." "Nor is there a single mark of acquaintance with the contemporaneous history." (The Empire of the Hittites, p. 116)
Wright says, "Professor W. F. [sic] Newman casts discredit on the incident because he thinks the Hittites were too insignificant to have caused alarm to the Syrian hosts." (p. 117) It turns out that even the most negative of the criticisms in the nineteenth century was not that the Hittites had no existence but, rather, that the Hittites weren't as "significant" as the Bible indicates.
Thus, there is a legend here. It is the legend about "the liberal critics," those opponents of the Bible whose hammers fall in futility against the anvil of the Bible. When it comes to the nineteenth century opinion of critics who denied the existence of the Hittites, it is a legend that has developed because of its congeniality to apologetic concerns.